Vancouver groups go old school to mobilize the youth vote for Canada’s #elxn42

The Zolas’ Zach Gray has lent his voice to Turn Up YVR, which aims to improve the woeful voter-turnout rate among 18- to 34-year-olds. Travis Lupick photo.
The Zolas’ Zach Gray has lent his voice to Turn Up YVR, which aims to improve the woeful voter-turnout rate among 18- to 34-year-olds. Travis Lupick photo.

Call it rock the vote or a magical mystery tour, but whatever was happening aboard a bus cruising down Kingsway last Saturday (October 10) was a very fun way to participate in democracy.

Zach Gray of Vancouver indie-rock band the Zolas played guitar and belted out their hit song “You’re Too Cool” while enthusiastic backup vocals were provided by the Boom Booms’ Aaron Ross, Geordie Hart, and Tom Van Deursen.

“Every morning chipping away,” Gray crooned with everybody singing along. “’Til the walls fall down!”

That bus was the third like it to snake around Vancouver that rainy afternoon. The vehicles met crowds of young music fans at Broadway and Cambie Street, people piled in, then the groups toured from one advanced polling station to the next to help the passengers vote and get a jump on the October 19 federal election.

Just before embarking on the last ride of the day, Gray said he’s optimistic that 2015 will see young people break from their reputation for apathy. The reason he’s so sure is Conservative prime minister Stephen Harper.

Gray explained that although people can feel overwhelmed by the amount of information usually required to make an educated voting decision, that isn’t the case this year. “This is the first election in my lifetime where it’s this obvious who to vote against,” he said.

The campaign Gray joined on the bus, Turn Up YVR, is a nonpartisan initiative that’s encouraging everyone to vote regardless of the party they support. But there was one refrain the Straight heard repeated on those buses again and again: anyone but Harper.

On that note, here’s an interesting pair of statistics: in the 2011 federal election, Conservative candidates received a total of 5.8 million votes, and in 2015, there are 5.8 million eligible voters who are between 18 and 29 years of age.

If it’s true that young people are more likely to vote against Harper, they could see him removed from office quite easily. If they voted.

Of course, we know that many do not. According to Elections Canada, in 2011 only 39 percent of 18- to 24-year-olds left the couch for the polls, and for 25- to 34-year-olds, that number was only 45 percent. For comparison’s sake, 75 percent of the 55- to 64-year-old crowd voted in 2011. Elections Canada data shows roughly the same results for the 2008, 2006, and 2004 general elections. In those years, not once did even 50 percent of Canadians aged 18 to 34 make it to the polls.

Despite the depressing math, a plethora of individuals and organizations are working around Vancouver this week to get young people involved in politics.

A few hours before that bus ride with the Zolas and the Boom Booms, the Straight caught up with Vancouver singer-songwriter Dan Mangan, who was also at Broadway and Cambie to help with Turn Up YVR. He conceded many before him have tried and failed to get young people to vote.

“What makes us think this will work?” Mangan asked with a laugh. “We’ve seen four years of majority government with Harper and it’s pretty scary,” he said.

This election cycle, Mangan is also leading a campaign of his own, Imagine October 20th. Similar to the anyone-but-Harper sentiment expressed by Gray, the stated objective there is not to elect the Liberals or NDP but instead to remove the Conservatives from power.

“It’s also about painting the whole process with a more optimistic tone,” Mangan said. “I think there is so much mudslinging and attack ads in the political sphere that what we want to do is think about what a breath of fresh air eating breakfast on October 20th would be with Harper gone forever.”

Music is just one of a number of tools that young people have deployed this year in the hope of getting their peers to the polls. South of the border, pundits have dubbed America’s 2016 presidential contest the “Snapchat election” because candidates such as Hillary Clinton and Rand Paul have reached out to millennials using that mobile app. But here in Canada, 2015 youth-voter drives are consciously going old-school.

In a telephone interview, Aaron Bailey, president of UBC’s student union, the Alma Mater Society, said that perhaps the biggest impact
on youth engagement this election is coming from a partnership between universities and Elections Canada.

For the first time, Elections Canada facilitated student voting with advanced polling that opened on 39 campuses across Canada from October 5 to 8. The pilot program let people vote where they attend school regardless of the riding in which they were registered, removing what many visiting students view as a significant barrier to participating in national elections.

“All they needed was…[approved ID] and then they could vote anywhere,” Bailey said. “Which was huge, just making it so convenient for students so that they didn’t really have an excuse not to vote.”

According to Elections Canada, more than 70,000 people voted that way, though that preliminary figure also includes ballots cast at a number of community centres that ran a similar program.

On the phone from SFU, Simon Fraser Student Society president Enoch Weng and VP external relations Kathleen Yang said the same Elections Canada program was a big hit at SFU. “All of our social-media channels have been used to promote that,” Weng said.

Yang, however, emphasized that “social media alone is never enough.” She said the student society decided to focus on face-to-face events; for example, SFU’s main campus hosted an all-candidates debate for Burnaby North–Seymour. “We had four candidates participate,” she said. “Of course, the Conservative candidate declined.”

(Conservative candidates across Canada have largely boycotted riding debates and refused media requests, which the Toronto Star and other papers have reported is part of a partywide policy. The Conservative party did not respond to repeated Straight requests for an interview on the subject of the youth vote.)

Alex McGowan, VP external for the Kwantlen Student Association, framed the issue of low voter turnout as a matter of chickens and eggs. Do candidates ignore young people because they don’t vote in large numbers, he asked, or are youths apathetic because politicians don’t speak to their issues?

Regardless of the answer, McGowan continued, Kwantlen hoped to address the problem by facilitating meetings where students and candidates could get to know one another. He explained that although voter drives often rely on digital tools such as Instagram and email blasts, Kwantlen’s goal this year was to use real-world encounters to convince students and politicians of one another’s relevance.

“There’s been a demographic shift where now the millennial generation, 18 to 35, is the largest potential voting bloc, larger than the baby boomers,” McGowan said. “That means young people have a lot of potential, a big weight, and if they come out and vote, policies will start to be aimed at them.”

Meanwhile, a number of organizations are reaching out to youth with strategic-voting initiatives that aim to prevent left-leaning (often younger) people from splitting their votes among the Liberals, NDP, and Greens. Those groups suggest people vote for whichever candidate it is in their riding who stands the best chance of defeating their Conservative counterpart. The largest and best organized is Leadnow, which bases its national recommendations on polling data collected for specific contests.

There are also a number of less conventional voter drives targeting young people. For example, Vancouver resident Karilynn Ming Ho launched a Change.org petition that’s calling on Canadian hip-hop superstar Drake to encourage his fans to vote. At the time of writing, it had more than 8,000 signatures. There is also a chain of Vancouver marijuana dispensaries that is using an upcoming Snoop Dogg concert to attract attention to the October 19 election. But perhaps the biggest stir has come from Shit Harper Did (SHD), a troupe of Vancouver comedians that has attracted national headlines with its entertaining and well-researched lampooning of the prime minister.

In a telephone interview, SHD writer and coordinator Emma Cooper agreed that the group has successfully tapped into the youth vote like few other organizations in Canada. She said that was no accident.

“We’re very research-based,” Cooper said. “The whole point is that it looks fun. But you work really hard to make jokes and to target and make humour that engages young people. It’s about looking and seeing that people are not voting, seeing the research that proves that, and asking what they are going to respond to.”

Despite a Facebook page with more than 50,000 likes and YouTube videos with six-figure views, Cooper conceded that SHD faces the same million-dollar question as most modern-day campaigns: how to turn online clicks into real-world votes.

“We’re not going to tell you how to vote,” she said, acknowledging the contradiction there with a laugh. “We’re just doing whatever we can to inform people with our reach and our competitive advantage, where we have a huge online community that is kind of in this positive place because we’ve made a bunch of jokes.”

On the phone from UBC, Bailey answered the same question with a more pointed response. “There is no excuse and no opportunity to complain among young people unless they actually take the time to educate themselves and vote,” he said.

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This article was originally published in print and online at Straight.com on October 14, 2015.

Confidential documents suggest B.C.’s new $10.45 minimum wage may have been one big mistake

“Raising the minimum wage allows B.C. to keep pace with minimum wages in the rest of Canada while maintaining our competitiveness," said B.C. Minister of Labour Shirley Bond (right) at a press conference in March 2015. Government of British Columbia photo.
“Raising the minimum wage allows B.C. to keep pace with minimum wages in the rest of Canada while maintaining our competitiveness,” said B.C. Minister of Labour Shirley Bond (right) at a press conference in March 2015. Government of British Columbia photo.

British Columbia’s new minimum wage of $10.45 an hour is the second-lowest in all of Canada, according to the federal government’s Labour Program. When New Brunswick implements a promised increase in 2017, B.C.’s rate will rank dead last among Canada’s 13 provinces and territories.

And that’s where it is going to stay. Each jurisdictions’ minimum wage is tied to the Consumer Price Index (CPI) or a similar economic indicator. So even though B.C.’s wage is scheduled to rise each September, it will remain low compared to all other provinces because rates there will rise the same way.

It is unlikely this situation was an intentional outcome of the provincial government.

After reviewing hundreds of pages of government documents related to changes to B.C.’s minimum wage implemented on September 15, the Straight can report it was most likely an accident, a mistake that the government is now refusing to acknowledge or redress.

Good intentions

Upon assuming office in 2011, B.C. Premier Christy Clark personally took an interest in the minimum wage. After her predecessor, Gordon Campbell, left it at $8 an hour for a decade, Clark promised to raise it from the gutter.

“We’re not going to be number one in the country by any stretch,” Clark said on CKNW radio on March 17, 2011. “But we’re going to be catching up. We won’t be at the bottom anymore.”

Stephanie Cadeiux, B.C. minister of labour at the time, repeated that pledge in the legislature on May 9, 2011: “In fact, it is not going to be the lowest in Canada,” she said. “When it reaches $10.25 next year, we will be tied for the second-highest in Canada, actually.”

The good intent expressed in those public remarks is supported by cabinet submissions and briefing papers the Straight obtained through freedom of information legislation.

In those documents, bureaucrats repeatedly describe B.C.’s minimum wage as among the country’s lowest, express concern for that fact, and offer solutions to improve the state of B.C.’s lowest earners.

So how did B.C.’s new minimum wage end up near the bottom in the country?

Sliding back to near last place

Although some of the released documents are heavily redacted, those files make clear there was a great deal of time and thought put into the 20-cent increase to $10.45 and the decision to tie the new wage to the CPI.

There were meetings and many emails on the matter. Civil servants looked at different minimum rates across the country, gathered information on other provinces’ plans for the future, and projected how B.C.’s minimum wage would compare to those plans.

“In 2014, every province other than B.C. raised its minimum wage at least once,” reads a February 2015 cabinet submission marked confidential. “Several provinces have scheduled increases for 2015. Since May 1, 2012, B.C. has slid from 3rd (behind only Yukon and Nunavut) to 9th among all Canadian jurisdictions as of January 1, 2015. Based on current commitments in other jurisdictions, B.C. will likely be last among Canadian jurisdictions if there is no increase by October 2015.”

The month after that cabinet submission was received by the premier’s office, the government announced its new rate of $10.45, stating that this latest increase would place B.C. at about the middle of the pack.

Which it did, but only for 15 days from the time it was enacted.

The documents include specific comparisons to other jurisdictions’ plans to raise their minimum wages, but not to increases scheduled for later than mid-2015.

On October 1, Alberta went to $11.20, Manitoba  to $11,  Saskatchewan to $10.50, Ontario to $11.25, and Newfoundland and Labrador to $10.50. Those changes dropped B.C. back to second-to-last place in the country.

A predictable outcome

Repeated interview requests sent to the premier’s office and the B.C. Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Skills Training in September and October were either refused or ignored. When the Straight asked in writing if the government was aware that $10.45 ranked near the bottom of the country, Ministry of Jobs spokesperson Gabrielle Price supplied statements that ignored the question. She also refused to say whether or not the government would be willing to re-examine the issue.

Shane Simpson is B.C.’s opposition critic for economic development, jobs, labour, and skills and NDP MLA for Vancouver-Hastings. In a telephone interview, he recounted taking similar questions to his government counterpart, Shirley Bond.

“I talked to the Minister of Jobs in the estimates process in the spring about this, and I asked whether there were any plans or intentions to make any other adjustments to the minimum wage over and above the CPI,” Simpson recounted. “She said, ‘No’. She said, ‘We’re pretty comfortable with where we are and we are going to stay here.’ ”

If this situation was the result of a mistake, the documents suggest the province will now resist returning to the matter to correct it.

In several places in the released papers, it is stated that pegging B.C.’s minimum wage to the CPI would help prevent a build-up of discontent among low-income earners that, history had shown, would eventually force the government to implement a dramatic wage increase that would upset business owners.

“Experience indicates that when the minimum wage is fixed for long stretches of time, political pressure eventually builds to enact big increases—and it is these, rather than small periodic increases, which cause the most serious disruptions for the business sectors that rely on relatively low-paid employees to staff their facilities and run their operations,” reads a February 2015 cabinet submission.

Calls for a correction

B.C. Federation of Labour president Irene Lanzinger told the Straight her organization predicted that the 20-cent increase would not be enough relative to other jurisdictions. She asked, therefore, why bureaucrats in the B.C. Ministry of Jobs were not able to do the same.

After reviewing a number of the documents obtained by the Straight, Lanzinger said her staff came to the same conclusion: that the provincial government did compare B.C.’s new minimum wage to that of other provinces, and also that it looked at how those jurisdictions planned on increasing their rates in the near future. But what they didn’t do is look far enough down the road.

“The quote in the documents is, ‘If we don’t do something by October 2015, we will be last,’ ” she said. “So they did something by October 2015. But what they did was just so inadequate and so minimal.”

Lanzinger encouraged the government to re-examine the province’s new minimum wage and consider another raise that will lift B.C. from the bottom in the country.

“She [Clark] specifically said we weren’t going to be at the bottom, that we were going to put things in place to make sure that we didn’t end up at the bottom,” she said. “And here we are at the bottom.”

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This article was originally published online at Straight.com on October 10, 2015.

CBC doc Hold Your Fire reveals B.C. police shot and killed 28 people experiencing a mental-health crisis

A new documentary scheduled to air on CBC examines a number of deaths involving police, including that of Paul Boyd (left), a Vancouver animator who was shot and killed in 2007.
A new documentary scheduled to air on CBC examines a number of deaths involving police, including that of Paul Boyd (left), a Vancouver animator who was shot and killed in 2007.

Research behind a forthcoming CBC Television documentary includes new data on Vancouver police encounters with people experiencing a mental-health crisis. It suggests despite progressive training, many incidents still end with an officer deploying lethal force.

For the period 2004 to 2014, investigative journalists Helen Slinger and Yvette Brend analyzed hundreds of coroners’ reports from jurisdictions across Canada.

In British Columbia, they found evidence police or RCMP officers shot 28 people who were experiencing a mental-health crisis, Slinger revealed in a telephone interview. That was out of 72 such incidents for the country as a whole.

The filmmaker added that according to a “very conservative estimate”, nearly 40 percent of all fatal police shootings in Canada involved either a person with a mental illness or an individual experiencing a mental-health crisis.

Slinger noted distinct themes emerged in those coroners’ reports.

The first was that when a police officer did fire a weapon, that usually happened almost immediately after they encountered a person in distress. The second was that training could be clearly traced to make a notable difference in outcomes.

“It comes down to what happens before police arrive at the scene,” she said. “If you are trained to approach with a command and control attitude, that could very likely backfire with someone in mental distress.”

The documentary is called Hold Your Fire. It was produced by Bountiful Films and is scheduled to debut on CBC Television as part of the network’s Firsthand program on Thursday, October 22.

The hour-long film looks at a number of police-involved deaths across the country. Those include the case of Sammy Yatim, who was shot by Toronto police in 2013, and Paul Boyd, a Vancouver animator who police shot and killed in 2007.

With video footage of those deaths plus interviews with family members, Hold Your Firemakes the case that neither young man needed to die.

“The police were the cause of the violence that night,” Boyd’s father says in the film.

Slinger’s findings mirror those of the Georgia Straight’s own analysis for British Columbia.

In February 2015, the Straight published a review of more than 120 coroners’ reports that dated from 2007 to 2014.

During that period, it was found there were 99 incidents where someone died in the custody of the RCMP or police.

Of those cases, the Straight determined 17 deaths involved a mental-health issue, 59 involved substance abuse, and at least 13 involved both drugs and a mental-health component. (The Straight’s analysis differed from Slinger’s in a number of ways. For example, in addition to looking at cases involving a mental illness, it also included situations where a person struggled with a serious addiction issue.)

Again echoing Slinger’s findings, the Straight’s investigation revealed that the first few minutes or even seconds of an encounter often meant the difference between life and death.

It’s those brief windows that Slinger focuses on in her documentary.

“We started out looking for that moment, asking, ‘how do you pull back?’” she said. “And what I felt was really obvious is it is how the particular unit goes to that call that makes all the difference.”

Slinger said if there is one message she hopes people take from her documentary, it is that police officers need to slow down when responding to an individual experiencing a mental-health crisis.

Hold Your Fire presents tangible lessons for how that can be accomplished without significantly adding to the risks that police officers face on the job.

While Slinger described the Vancouver Police Department as a force where there is “still lots of room for improvement”, she also said it stands “among the most progressive police forces in the country in terms of their programs for people with mental illness”.

She suggested what’s at play within the VPD and other departments across Canada is a sort of competition between old and new schools of police training.

For example, the documentary explains that in North America, many departments train officers to respond with lethal force if a person perceived to be a threat moves within 20 feet of an officer. That lesson, which can be engrained to a point where it can play out almost as a muscle reflex, can come into conflict with training for how one can de-escalate a potentially violent situation without using lethal force.

“Vancouver has kept moving in that direction with a number of programs that are very progressive,” she said. “I think it just hasn’t made its way through the entire force yet. But I do think things are changing.”

In 2014, Vancouver police recorded an all-time high for apprehensions it made under the Mental Health Act, a law that permits officers to detain individuals deemed to have a mental disorder and to pose a threat to themselves or others. Officers apprehended 3,010 people under the act, a number that has increased each year, up from 2,278 in 2009.

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This article was originally published online at Straight.com on October 6, 2015.

RCMP record reveals a long list of calls to Kinder Morgan properties in Burnaby

RCMP officers drag an opponent of the Kinder Morgan Trans Mountain pipeline project away from a November 2014 demonstration atop Burnaby Mountain. Jackie Dives photo.
RCMP officers drag an opponent of the Kinder Morgan Trans Mountain pipeline project away from a November 2014 demonstration atop Burnaby Mountain. Jackie Dives photo.

How much time does the Burnaby RCMP spend policing Kinder Morgan properties?

It’s a question politicians are asking again after RCMP records obtained by the Georgia Straight shed some light on how many calls the force receives in relation to the pipeline company.

“There are a whole lot of calls in 2014 and 2015, more so than other years,” said Burnaby city councillor Sav Dhaliwal. “I think that is a result of activity relating to the expansion project. That has brought Kinder Morgan into the public arena.”

Dhaliwal was referring to the company’s plans to twin an existing pipeline that carries heavy crude oil from Alberta to a port in Burnaby. Last November, the RMCP arrested dozens of people when they refused to leave a protest on Burnaby Mountain that aimed to disrupt survey work Kinger Morgan was conducting in the area.

Those sorts of heightened tensions around environmental concerns are driving the increased volume in calls, Dhaliwal suggested.

“The last couple of years, the activity just suddenly picked up,” he continued. “I think Kinder Morgan bears the responsibility for any additional activity for the RCMP on the financial side of it.”

RCMP data supplied in response to a freedom of information request provides basic details for 53 calls the force received in relation to Kinder Morgan’s Burnaby Mountain facilities and the company’s Westridge Marine Terminal from 2010 to March 2015. However, the record is not complete and the actual number of calls the RCMP received could be much higher.

The RCMP withheld information on an unknown number of calls citing sections of the Access to Information Act. Those pertain to disclosures of information obtained or prepared in the investigation of a crime or enforcement of the law.

In a brief telephone interview, Burnaby RCMP Cpl. Daniela Panesar declined to discuss specifics. The spokesperson for the force clarified that the list displays calls to police and does not state whether any call resulted in an officer or officers being dispatched. Panesar also declined to provide any context or opinion indicating whether the volume of calls to Kinder Morgan facilities was in any way atypical.

Documentary filmmaker David Lavallee has a rough idea how much time went into each of those 53 calls.

In a telephone interview, he recounted one afternoon last November when he recorded video of Kinder Morgan’s Westridge Marine Terminal using an unmanned aerial vehicle. Lavallee is producing a film about unconventional energy reserves and that terminal is a key transit point for bitumen mined in Alberta.

Two days after filming, Lavallee told the Straight he received a voicemail message from the RCMP. Two weeks after that, two community RCMP officers knocked on his door and left a business card while he was out.

In a subsequent telephone call with a third officer, RCMP national security investigatorGregory Haasdyk, Lavallee asked how authorities came to know of his interests in energy infrastructure.

“He [Haasdyk] said, ‘We got a call, a complaint, from Kinder Morgan, who had called in your [licence] plate,” Lavallee said.

In a recording of that conversation, Haasdyk maintains a friendly tone and answers Lavallee’s questions.

“Kinder Morgan does make a lot of complaints,” Haasdyk says. “And if we don’t know who they are complaining against then, yes, we do have to go and find that out.”

After reviewing the RCMP record obtained by the Straight, Lavallee noted he could not find his own encounters with the RCMP listed there. Another incident missing from the document is a March 6 call the RCMP received about an SFU professor named Tim Takaro. On that date, Takaro caught the attention of a Kinder Morgan security guard by taking a photograph of the Burnaby Mountain property. Five days later, he too received acall from the RCMP.

Lavallee said those two missing dates make him suspect the actual number of calls the RCMP fields in relation to Kinder Morgan is much higher than 53.

“Certainly, in my case, it was an egregious waste of taxpayer dollars,” he added.

In a telephone interview, Kinder Morgan spokesperson Ali Hounsell said any call the company makes to the RCMP is a matter of public safety.

“When our security folks do report something, it is because there is something suspicious,” she emphasized.

Hounsell noted Kinder Morgan’s private guards will engage a person before calling police. She cited a recent encounter with a CBC National News crew where guards asked journalist Chris Brown why the group was filming adjacent to company property.

“Those are normal conversations that happen, I would say quite regularly,” Hounsell said. “It’s just when it’s something unusual that it does get reported to police.”

Meanwhile, a number of other RCMP documents have come to light in recent years that use dramatic language to describe environmentalists and First Nations people.

“There is a high probability that we could see flash mobs, round dances and blockades become much less compliant to laws,” reads an RCMP document dated December 2012. “The escalation of violence is ever near.”

A 2014 RCMP intelligence assessment similarly warns that in British Columbia, “there is a coalition of like-minded violent extremists who are planning criminal actions to prevent the construction of the pipeline.”

B.C.’s lone Green party MLA, Andrew Weaver, described the sort of government surveillance revealed in those documents as “carried away”.

On the RCMP call list obtained by the Straight, he asked the same questions posed by Dhaliwal.

“I don’t want to second guess it [the RCMP] but it does seem like a lot,” Weaver said. “It really begs the question: why? Why were the RCMP being called so many times? What for? What could possibly warrant it?”

He also asked if citizens were getting in trouble for simply wandering to close too a fence, and warned that could constitute an infringement on their civil liberties.

Weaver revealed such an incident happened to him, though under different circumstances. He recounted travelling Europe for a summer with a friend named Tony.

“Tony saw this amazing power plant, which was so archaic that he wanted to take a picture of it,” Weaver recounted. “So he took out his camera to take a picture. And security guards came running up with sub-machine guns.”

“But this was in East Germany,” Weaver said with a laugh. “I would have loved for it to have been 1984 but it was 1982. So this is the direction we are heading.”

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This article was originally published online at Straight.com on October 3, 2015.

Marijuana advocates warn NDP plans for decriminalization would leave organized crime in control

On July 1, Vancouver police scuffled with advocates for marijuana reform at the annual Cannabis Day demonstration at the Vancouver Art Gallery. Pot TV photo.
On July 1, Vancouver police scuffled with advocates for marijuana reform at the annual Cannabis Day demonstration at the Vancouver Art Gallery. Pot TV photo.

In November 2001, Kash Heed stood before the Senate Special Committee on Illegal Drugs and outlined why his police department had essentially stopped arresting people for marijuana possession.

“It was de facto decriminalization,” the retired commanding officer of the Vancouver police drug squad told the Straight. “I took a lot of heat from the RCMP for doing that.”

Published in September 2002, the committee’s final report is a serious document more than 800 pages long.

“In our opinion, Canadian society is ready for a responsible policy of cannabis regulation,” it concludes. “A regulatory system for cannabis should permit, specifically: more effective targeting of illegal traffic and a reduction in the role played by organized crime.”

Thirteen years later, the committee’s recommendations remain ignored and the report is all but forgotten.

As for Heed, who also served as B.C. solicitor general, he said he’s come to see problems with the position he took back then in favour of decriminalization; mainly, that it doesn’t go far enough.

Heed explained decriminalization would put an end to police busting people for smoking a joint. But he quickly added the illegal supply of marijuana would remain unaddressed.

“We’ll continue to have the murders, the kidnappings, the home invasions,” he said. “All of the violence that’s related to that black market will continue.”

“Decriminalization will do nothing to deal with that aspect of it,” Heed concluded. “Decriminalization is good business for organized crime.”

Ahead of this October’s federal election, two out of three leading political parties have pledged to reform laws concerning the prohibition of recreational marijuana. The New Democrats’ Thomas Mulcair has promised to pursue that policy criticized by Heed, arguing decriminalization is the best first step for marijuana reform and one that can occur while the issue receives further study. Meanwhile, the Liberal party led by Justin Trudeau has said it wants to fully legalize and regulate the drug.

In separate interviews, a number of prominent advocates for marijuana reform told theStraight they have nearly as many concerns about decriminalization as they do about the current system of prohibition.

While some aspects of decriminalization are similar to legalization, activists called attention to the most obvious difference between the two: the space it leaves for organized crime and the violence that follows.

Jodie Emery was an early supporter of Trudeau’s plan to legalize cannabis. She explained the NDP’s version of decriminalization only pertains to the demand side of illicit marijuana sales, leaving the supply side as it exists today. On the other hand, Emery explained, legalization would likely involve a regulatory system that would institutionalize the production and sale of cannabis similar to Canada’s existing systems for tobacco.

“The NDP’s decision to just look at reforming policy—to have another long investigation or discussion about reforming the laws—means that the criminal control of the market will remain in place, that gang violence will not be addressed in Surrey or anywhere as long as marijuana remains illegal,” Emery said.

John Anderson, a former B.C. Corrections officer and member of Law Enforcement Against Prohibition, described decriminalization as “a victory for organized crime”.

Dan Werb, director of the International Centre for Science in Drug Policy, explained the changes legalization would bring that decriminalization would not.

“In the case of B.C., we estimated that over $500 million in retail sales is going into the hands of organized crime every year,” Werb said. “If you remove that market, it is the most effective way of kneecapping organized crime and reducing the power of organized crime.”

Even the RMCP—a conservative organization that generally avoids even the appearance of disagreements with Ottawa—may be warming to the idea of reform.

In a telephone interview, Cpl. Scotty Schumann, a media relations officer for Surrey RCMP, confirmed drugs have played a “primary role” in a spate of more than three dozen shootings that have occurred in Surrey since last spring.

Asked how the legalization of marijuana could affect gang violence, Schumann replied: “I suspect that if marijuana was legalized, that would reduce the amount of black market activity surrounding marijuana. I would just be speculating on how that would affect the outcome. But I guess when you look back to alcohol prohibition, certainly, when that was removed, I think it benefited the country.”

There are few jurisdictions comparable to B.C that have legalized marijuana. One is Colorado, where recreational cannabis became legal on January 1, 2014. According tonumbers published by the city, from 2013 to 2014, robberies in Denver declined 3.3 percent, aggravated assault increased 1.2 percent, and homicides dropped 24.4 percent.

The Colorado experiment is still in its early days. There is however substantial research that shows existing police enforcement policies have little overall positive influence on violence related to drug dealing.

For example, a 2011 paper authored by academics with UBC and the B.C. Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS reviewed 15 studies that examined law-enforcement agencies’ effects on gang violence. It found that 14 of them recorded an “adverse impact” and 10 showed a “significant association between drug law enforcement and drug market violence”.

That is, police enforcement of drug laws did not reduce violence but actually led to increased numbers of incidents.

Holding front seats for the violence Surrey has experienced this year are Sukh Dhaliwal, the Liberal candidate for Surrey-Newton, and his NDP incumbent rival,Jinny Sims.

In a telephone interview, Dhaliwal noted he’s historically voted in favour of tough-on-crime legislation. But he argued where marijuana is concerned, it is time for change.

“Every parent is concerned about this gang activity and this gang war going on right now,” he said. “One way we can work to ending this war is to take that criminal element out. And this evidence-based policy—legalizing marijuana—will get that element out. And decriminalization, as the NDP is saying, would keep that factor in.”

Dhaliwal called it a “smart on crime” approach.

In a separate interview, Sims didn’t disagree with the Liberals’ plan in principle. She criticized its potential execution.

“Nobody denies—except for maybe the Conservatives—that our marijuana laws need to be modernized,” Sims said. “But we need to base our decisions on evidence and public health principles.

“It’s not a simple matter of just coming out one day and saying, ‘We’re going to legalize marijuana’,” she continued. “That could lead to major transition problems.”

Neil Boyd, director of the SFU school of criminology, cautioned legalization won’t automatically translate into the evaporation of B.C.’s illegal marijuana trade.

“Regulation isn’t going to be easy,” he said. “How are you going to get rid of the black market? You have to set the price carefully.”

(A 38-page Liberal party policy document acknowledges those types of concerns. “To be successful and prevent organized crime from maintaining a black market, the price of legal marijuana must be lower than it is now,” it reads. “At the same time, the product’s quality must be at least as good – if not better.”)

Boyd said that while the NDP’s plan fails to address the problem of organized crime, the Liberals have yet to explain the details of their plan.

“Decriminalization, to many people, seems a safer approach,” he said. “I think that is mistaken. But I understand the logic. There is a fear that with legalization, we’ll have promotion.”

Boyd suggested it is unlikely legalization would ever take the form of unfettered distribution for marijuana as if it were a harmless product like milk or eggs. He argued Canada should follow examples for how it regulates controlled substances such as tobacco and alcohol.

“We’ll want to regulate it in the public interest,” he said.

This article is part of a series.
Part one: Liberals and NDP promise marijuana reform but pot crimes could still haunt Canadians for decades
Part two: Decriminalization versus legalization: marijuana advocates scrutinize competing plans for reform
Part three: Marijuana advocates warn NDP plans for decriminalization would leave organized crime in control

Follow Travis Lupick on TwitterFacebook, and Instagram.

This article was originally published in print and online at Straight.com on September 19, 2015.

B.C.’s new $10.45 minimum wage will rank among lowest in Canada

ACORN member Laura Cairns is one of tens of thousands of Lower Mainland residents 25 years or older who struggles to get by on the miniumum wage. Travis Lupick photo.
ACORN member Laura Cairns is one of tens of thousands of Lower Mainland residents 25 years or older who struggles to get by on the miniumum wage. Travis Lupick photo.

On September 15, British Columbia’s minimum wage increased by 20 cents, to $10.45 an hour. There was no press conference. Since the hike was announced last March, the government has barely said a word about it. That’s despite Premier Christy Clarkhaving personally championed a higher minimum wage.

Just days after assuming office in 2011, for example, Clark pledged to keep B.C.’s minimum wage out of the gutter where her predecessor, Gordon Campbell, had left it at $8 an hour for a decade.

“We’re not going to be number one in the country by any stretch,” Clark said on CKNW radio on March 17, 2011. “But we’re going to be catching up. We won’t be at the bottom anymore.”

That promise held for a couple of years after Clark raised the minimum wage to $10.25 in 2012, Irene Lanzinger told theGeorgia Straight. But the president of the B.C. Federation of Labour quickly added Clark’s commitment is about to be broken and stay that way.

Lanzinger explained that when one ranks B.C. alongside Canada’s other provinces and territories, B.C.’s minimum wage will soon drop all the way down to 12th out of 13 jurisdictions in the country. She noted that’s according to the federal Labour Program, which has compiled forthcoming changes scheduled for implementation before the end of 2015.

A federal document states five provinces are about to implement their own wage hikes effective October 1. Those are Alberta (going to $11.20), Manitoba ($11), Newfoundland and Labrador ($10.50), Ontario ($11.25), and Saskatchewan ($10.50). In addition, Lanzinger noted New Brunswick has committed to an $11 minimum wage by 2017, which means B.C. could soon rank dead last.

Lanzinger said an insufficient increase to the minimum wage is half the problem. The other half, she continued, is that B.C. simultaneously pegged the province’s minimum wage to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), a statistical estimate similar to a measure of inflation.

By itself, Lanzinger said, that would be a good thing that provides predictability to both employees and employers. However, she asserted, tying the minimum wage to the CPI coupled with that modest bump of 20 cents means the bottom of the country is where B.C.’s new minimum wage will remain.

“We are essentially indexing poverty,” she said. “We’ve got people earning poverty wages at our current minimum wage, and they will never get out of poverty. If you are going to peg it to something, you need to raise it above the poverty line first.”

The B.C. Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Skills Training didn’t make a representative available for an interview.

Opponents of a higher minimum wage often claim it’s an issue that’s largely confined to young people on their way to higher-paying jobs.

According to a government analysis obtained via a freedom-of-information request, in 2013 there were 120,400 British Columbians earning the minimum wage. Of those, 47 percent, or 56,100, were 25 years or older. The ministry’s March 12 news releaseannouncing the change to $10.45 states there were then only 110,400 British Columbians earning the minimum wage. However, those revised statistics leave out how many are older than 24.

One of those people is Laura Cairns. She’s in her early 50s, living with her daughter in a one-bedroom apartment in New Westminster.

A decade ago, Cairns recounted, she worked as an office manager and earned double the minimum wage. Then her parents got sick and she was forced to leave the workforce to take care of them.

“I stepped out of the mainstream economy to look after my parents and now that I’ve stepped back in, I’m forced back to minimum wage,” she said.

Today, Cairns works temporary jobs in warehouses or cleaning construction sites.

“People look down on me now because I am a low-wage earner,” Cairns said. “I’m used to people’s opinions and judgments. But it’s very demoralizing.”

When Lanzinger claimed B.C.’s new minimum wage will keep British Columbians like Cairns in poverty, she wasn’t spouting rhetoric. In B.C., everybody who survives on the minimum wage and who resides in a city of more than 500,000 people officially lives in poverty.

According to Statistics Canada data, the 2014 poverty line in a metropolitan area like Vancouver was a before-tax income of $24,328 a year.

If Cairns works 40 hours a week for $10.45 an hour, she’ll earn $21,736 a year, falling $2,592 short of breaking even with the poverty line.

The bar is lower for rural areas. But for the estimated 60,000 minimum-wage earners living in Metro Vancouver, the Straight calculated what’s needed to raise them out of poverty is a minimum wage of $11.70 an hour.

Iglika Ivanova is a senior economist with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives’ B.C. office. In a telephone interview, she said her organization has called for a $15 minimum wage because that’s what’s needed to truly constitute a living wage. But she emphasized even the Straight’s conservative estimate of $11.70 is more than a full dollar above B.C.’s new minimum.

“You can dispute whether that’s $12 an hour or closer to $14, depending on how you do the calculation and what you say is a full week’s work,” Ivanova explained. “But whatever you say, hundreds of thousands of people are living in poverty here in B.C. And this 20-cent increase will not bring them out of that.”

Ivanova called attention to the province’s rationale for tying the new wage to the CPI. Like Lanzinger, she agreed its predictability is a good idea in principle. But Ivanova warned tying future increases to a formula could see the government use that as an excuse to avoid revisiting the $10.45 benchmark as something that might be too low.

“We will be stuck at the bottom again,” she said.

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This article was originally published in print and online at Straight.com on September 16, 2015.

Decriminalization versus legalization: marijuana advocates scrutinize competing plans for reform

Jodie and Marc Emery have paid a heavy price for the war on drugs, which is why they’re paying attention to the NDP and Liberal platforms. Travis Lupick photo.
Jodie and Marc Emery have paid a heavy price for the war on drugs, which is why they’re paying attention to the NDP and Liberal platforms. Travis Lupick photo.

There are few people in Canada who have suffered a blow from prohibition like the one that hit Marc and Jodie Emery. On September 10, 2010, after deportation from Vancouver, Marc was sentenced to five years in a U.S. prison for trafficking marijuana seeds.

Canada doesn’t actually send many people to prison for cannabis offences. And if a person is incarcerated for such a crime, it is seldom for as long as five years. But Marc’s transgression was trafficking. On top of his political activities (or because of them, many argue), that was reason enough for authorities to throw the book at him.

Marc has held a grudge.

“Canadian politicians are the most gutless group of people I have ever seen,” he said just hours after his release on August 12, 2014. “They don’t want to bring up marijuana. They are afraid of it. After 45 years, really, they’re still afraid of it?”

Ahead of Canada’s federal election scheduled for October 19, candidates for prime minister are talking about cannabis reform. All three leading parties have staked out clear positions that differ significantly from one another.

In 2012, Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s government implemented mandatory-minimum sentences for marijuana production and trafficking. Since then, the Conservative party has doubled down on its tough-on-crime stance. “We will not introduce misguided and reckless policies that would downplay, condone, or normalize the use of illegal drugs,” Harper said at an August 11 campaign stop in Ontario.

That was a shot at the federal Liberals and party leader Justin Trudeau’s promise to legalize and regulate recreational cannabis.

Speaking in Vancouver on August 19, Trudeau shot back: “Mr. Harper has failed in his drug policy,” he told the Georgia Straight. “It is time that Canada regulated and controlled marijuana to protect our kids, to protect our communities, and to prevent the funds from flowing into the coffers of drug runners and street gangs.”

A more detailed version of the Liberals’ plan for legalization appears in a 38-page draft policy document published in 2013. It states that recreational marijuana should come under a regulatory framework that covers not only the sale of cannabis but also its production, distribution, and taxation. (The end result would be a system like the one that governs cigarettes, Hedy Fry, the Liberals’ candidate for Vancouver Centre, recently told the Straight.)

That document also addresses Canadians stuck with a criminal record of the sort that can turn up in a background check or in the databases of U.S. customs officials. A Liberal government would “extend amnesty to all Canadians previously convicted of simple and minimal marijuana possession, and ensure the elimination of all criminal records related thereto,” it states.

At an August 20 stop in Vancouver, NDP leader Thomas Mulcair said amnesty for past offences was an “important question” and one an NDP government would “look at”.

While the Liberals have promised legalization, the NDP has said it will decriminalize marijuana. “It is something that we can do immediately,” Mulcair told the Straight. “I am categorical that no person should ever face criminal charges or a criminal record for personal use of marijuana.”

The NDP has emphasized that repealing criminal penalties for personal-use possession is only a first step in its plan to reform marijuana laws. Communications director Jen Holmwood readily admitted the party is still working out what would come next. She told the Straight another early move would be to “create an independent commission” that consults with provincial governments and studies the issue.

At Cannabis Culture headquarters on West Hastings Street, Jodie Emery emphasized the Liberal and NDP positions sound similar but are actually very different.

For starters, she said, under Mulcair’s reformed system that only abolishes penalties for small amounts of marijuana, her husband still could have gone to jail for trafficking.

The NDP’s plan only addresses demand, Emery explained. Under decriminalization, the supply side of B.C.’s billion-dollar marijuana industry would largely remain as it exists today: illegal, with grow-ops and distribution networks kept in the shadows under the control of organized-crime syndicates and outside the reach of consumer safeguards such as health regulations.

“Mulcair’s current position would maintain prohibition,” Emery concluded.

The differences between decriminalization and legalization are relevant to more British Columbians than one might think.

According to the B.C. Ministry of Justice, during the first six months of 2015, only 327 people were held in B.C. Corrections facilities for drug crimes.

However, according to a Statistics Canada report, B.C. authorities recorded 15,773 cannabis offences during 2014. (An offence is defined as any criminal infraction regardless of its outcome. From there, police officers and prosecutors have discretion for how to proceed. An officer can record an individual’s name and transgression and let them go, for example, or they can recommend the Crown pursue charges that can land a person in prison.) That document suggests this issue is of greater concern to B.C. than any other province. It states that in 2014, B.C. recorded 341 cannabis-related offences per 100,000 people while neighbouring Alberta recorded 181 and Ontario just 145.

John Conroy, a Vancouver-based lawyer and expert in marijuana law, told the Straightthat those two groups—those charged and convicted for marijuana crimes versus people caught with cannabis but then let go—serve as one example of the tangible differences between decriminalization and legalization.

He explained that the NDP’s plan to decriminalize would likely lower the penalty for any of those 327 convicted drug offenders who were imprisoned for marijuana crimes. At the same time, Conroy continued, decriminalization could escalate the punishment inflicted on those more than 15,000 people who were registered for a cannabis offence but let go without police recommending a charge.

“If it is decriminalized, than it is simply not a criminal offence,” Conroy said. “So it would not form part of a criminal record and you would not be subject to arrest for a crime. But you would still be subject to potential police interference from whatever civil scheme that the politicians come up with.”

That would most likely take the form of a legal framework for ticketing, Conroy guessed, similar to the treatment of traffic violations or fare evasions on public transit.

“My expectation would be that with a ticketing system, the charges will go up, not down, and it will maybe become a cash grab,” he said. “So we will still see interference with people’s civil liberties, even more with a ticketing system than with the current approach under the current law.”

Conroy also emphasized that under decriminalization, all of those more than 15,000 people would still see their names entered into police databases alongside the word marijuana. So if a prospective employer or U.S. customs agent runs a check on anyone ticketed for possessing cannabis, they could still lose that job or be barred from entering the United States.

On the other hand, Conroy said, the Liberals’ plan to legalize would truly end prohibition of marijuana in Canada. “Just simple possession, if it is legalized, than it becomes like buying alcohol or tobacco,” he said.

Conroy emphasized that an over-the-counter system would mean no tickets, no names recorded by police, and no problems with prospective employers or international travel.

Emery noted all of that only concerns the demand side of the marijuana trade. On the supply side, the differences between decriminalization and legalization are even more pronounced. (Exactly how will be explored in depth in subsequent articles in this series.) “Some people say that marijuana is not an election issue,” she said. “Well, we’re seeing the NDP, the Liberals, and even the Conservatives speaking about it, which means that people are asking.”

This article is part of a series.
Part one: Liberals and NDP promise marijuana reform but pot crimes could still haunt Canadians for decades
Part two: Decriminalization versus legalization: marijuana advocates scrutinize competing plans for reform
Part three: Marijuana advocates warn NDP plans for decriminalization would leave organized crime in control

Follow Travis Lupick on TwitterFacebook, and Instagram.

This article was originally published in print and online at Straight.com on September 9, 2015.

Liberals and NDP promise marijuana reform but pot crimes could still haunt Canadians for decades

Burnaby father Trevor Holness still feels the impact of his pot conviction after Vancouver police busted him more than 20 years ago with a third of a gram.
Burnaby father Trevor Holness still feels the impact of his pot conviction after Vancouver police busted him more than 20 years ago with a third of a gram.

It was 20 years ago that Trevor Holness was arrested for marijuana possession in Vancouver. He had just turned 18 and was out with friends at the annual fireworks celebration on English Bay, Holness recounted in a telephone interview.

Today he lives in Burnaby as a family man with a career and a mortgage. But Holness conceded that back then, he was “a bit of a delinquent”.

“I was pulled aside during an altercation between my friends and some other friends,” he said of that night. “And I was arrested.”

Police found a 250-millilitre bottle of liquor and 0.34 gram of marijuana. They recommended a number of charges that eventually saw prosecutors offer Holness a deal: take the charge for marijuana, do one day in jail, and authorities would forget about the rest.

“I pled guilty,” Holness said. “I wish I never did.”

Holness argued that the true penalty he paid was not the one night he spent imprisoned. “It was that charge,” he said, explaining that the record of the crime has hurt him over and over again.

In 2006, for example, he was denied security clearance for a construction job at Vancouver International Airport. He’s afraid of U.S. customs officials and has missed business trips that would have advanced his career. More recently, the drug charge complicated an insurance plan tied to his mortgage. On job applications, Holness is asked if he’s bondable or has ever been convicted of an offence.

“I’ve had to check those boxes and there have been jobs that I didn’t get because of that,” he said.

For this series, the Georgia Straight interviewed a half-dozen British Columbians caught with marijuana by police.

In September 2012, RCMP officers were looking for a stolen boat along the Fraser River when they stumbled on Matt Roan. He admitted that he and a friend were there smoking pot. Neither was arrested but both learned later that their names were listed in police databases alongside a drug offence.

In May 2013, Ucluelet resident Adam Rodgers woke up to find his home surrounded by officers with guns drawn. His five young children still have nightmares, Rodgers told theStraight. “Over three plants.”

In February 2015, Sarah Bowman purchased cannabis with a prescription at a Vancouver dispensary. On her way home to New Westminster, RCMP caught her smoking on the street. Like Roan’s, her transgression was recorded in the RCMP’s computer system but she was released without charge. “Shaking and terrified,” Bowman added.

Holness was caught with one-third of a gram of marijuana in 1994. He emphasized that police 20 years later are still handcuffing Canadians for crimes related to cannabis, and he warned that those people could be living with the consequences two decades from today. Holness suggested the laws that criminalize marijuana inflict far more harm than the drug itself.

That’s despite two out of three leading parties in this October’s federal election having pledged to reform marijuana laws as soon as they take office. At an August 20 campaign stop in Vancouver, NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair told the Straight he would decriminalize pot “the minute we form government”. A few months earlier and also in Vancouver, Justin Trudeau promised a Liberal government would legalize recreational marijuana “right away”.

For victims of prohibition like Jodie Emery—whose husband, Marc, spent almost five years in a U.S. prison for selling marijuana seeds—it raises a question: if by this time next year marijuana possession is no longer a crime, why are law-enforcement agencies still busting people, with repercussions that last a lifetime?

From 2003 to 2012, the B.C. Ministry of Justice recorded charging 44,522 people under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act for crimes related to cannabis. (The Straight is waiting on freedom of information requests for more recent data.) But B.C.’s prisons are not overcrowded with inmates serving time for petty marijuana offences.

According to the ministry, during the first six months of 2015, only 327 people spent time inside a B.C. Corrections institution solely for a drug crime. An additional 1,069 British Columbians were convicted of a drug offence but handed probation or released on a conditional sentence.

However, groups such as the B.C. Civil Liberties Association have warned that the digitization of information means that even a congenial encounter with police can result in devastating consequences. And there continue to be a lot of marijuana seizures that fall into that category.

As few as seven percent of B.C. marijuana violations result in charges, according to a 2011 analysis published by the University of the Fraser Valley. But according to Justice Ministry numbers, from 2003 to 2012 B.C. police recorded 173,157 offences related to cannabis, every one of which remains in police databases today.

All of these numbers have grown since Prime Minister Stephen Har­per’s Conservative government assumed power in 2006. If a Liberal or NDP administration is elected this October, they should decline significantly but to varying degrees, depending on who takes office and how reforms are implemented.

Dan Werb is director of the International Centre for Science in Drug Policy and the lead author of an August 2015 report that summarized existing research related to marijuana use and the consequences of proposed regulations.

“There is no evidence that our current system is doing anything but making life more miserable for people who use cannabis,” he said in a telephone interview.

Werb told the Straight the NDP’s plan to decriminalize and the Liberals’ plan to legalize are different from one another to a much greater degree than most people understand. (Exactly how the two policies differ will be explored in depth in subsequent articles in this series.)

He explained that although both decriminalization and legalization involve significant reforms on the demand side—repealing laws that prohibit the drug’s possession, for
example—it is only legalization that also brings changes on the supply side.

“When we think about decriminalization, I actually find it to be really problematic,” Werb said. “What decriminalization does not entail is effectively changing the structure by which cannabis is produced or sold.”

In June 2015, the City of Vancouver responded to a proliferation of marijuana storefronts by adopting a legal framework and regulations that Mayor Gregor Robertson has said will bring order to an illegal industry that the federal Conservative government has ignored. The Liberals’ Hedy Fry and the NDP’s Constance Barnes have had a front-row seat to this experiment. In this October’s federal election, they are the top contenders for Vancouver Centre, a riding that is home to more cannabis dispensaries than any other in the country.

In separate interviews, Fry described the current situation as closer to decriminalization. She criticized it for that reason and argued that what is needed is a higher degree of regulation, which she said Trudeau’s plan for legalization will provide. Meanwhile, Barnes argued that what has happened in Vancouver is “legalization without a plan”. She said that is what the Liberals are now threatening to apply to the entire country.

“The use of cannabis is not going away,” Barnes said. “But I do not support going forward with any kind of legalization until we have a plan in place. And at this point right now,
I do not see any plan. It is putting the cart before the horse.”

Fry maintained that legalization will address people’s common complaints about Vancouver dispensaries.

“Decriminalization has been going on and it hasn’t really worked,” she said. “By legalizing it, we can control the substance.”

Holness said he’s waiting for that day. “I’ve never felt any animosity towards police,” he noted. It is the politicians, he said, he holds responsible.

This article is part of a series.
Part one: Liberals and NDP promise marijuana reform but pot crimes could still haunt Canadians for decades
Part two: Decriminalization versus legalization: marijuana advocates scrutinize competing plans for reform
Part three: Marijuana advocates warn NDP plans for decriminalization would leave organized crime in control

Follow Travis Lupick on TwitterFacebook, and Instagram.

This article was originally published in print and online at Straight.com on September 2, 2015.

Raiding Unist’ot’en camp would be “disastrous”, B.C. RCMP warned

A First Nations settlement in the path of the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline was recently expanded to include a bunk house with beds for 20 people plus additional infrastructure designed to let the camp support itself. Unist'ot'en Camp photo.
A First Nations settlement in the path of the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline was recently expanded to include a bunk house with beds for 20 people plus additional infrastructure designed to let the camp support itself. Unist’ot’en Camp photo.

The B.C. Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA) has sent a letter to the RCMP warning against “an impending, and possibly large-scale, RCMP action in relation to the Unist’ot’en camp”.

The Unist’ot’en camp is a settlement that some members of the Wet’suwet’en Nation began constructing in northwestern B.C. in 2010. Its location was strategically selected to obstruct the path planned for the Pacific Trail natural gas pipeline. The settlement has since been expanded in opposition to the Northern Gateway oil pipeline, which would follow a similar route across the province.

“We understand that the RCMP may have already taken a decision, or be about to take a decision, that the RCMP will move in and remove people from the Unist’ot’en camp by force if necessary,” the BCCLA letter reads. “If we are mistaken in this, we hope that the RCMP will clarify this with the public immediately. We are deeply concerned that such an approach would be disastrous and would not respect the constitutionally-protected Title and Rights of the Unist’ot’en, as well as their rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.”

The letter goes on to present a legal argument that outlines the Wet’suwet’en’s right to occupy the area in question.

“A move by the Crown to remove the Unist’ot’en camp would be at odds with these legal principles and with respect for their Title and Rights,” it reads. “We are extremely concerned with the suggestion that the RCMP may proceed without a court order, and without the Unist’ot’en having any opportunity to defend themselves in court.”

The BCCLA letter, which is signed by executive director Josh Paterson, concludes by urging the RCMP to reconsider any plan it might have to move on the Unist’ot’en camp.

The BCCLA’s warning follows the publication of a similar letter signed by a long list of organizations that range from environmentalists to civil-liberties advocates that’s titled, “We Stand with the Unist’ot’en”.

Those include Greenpeace Canada, the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs (UBCIC), Idle No More, and the SFU Institute for the Humanities, as well as individuals including David Suzuki, Naomi Klein, and federal Green Party leader Elizabeth May.

That letter claims the Unist’ot’en camp enjoys significant support despite being relatively small in size.

“We are deeply and gravely concerned to learn from a variety of sources that the RCMP appear to be on the verge of executing a highly provocative and dangerously reckless operational plan to make arrests,” it reads.

It states the organization signatories “denounce any attempt by the federal government, provincial government or RCMP to interfere in the rights of the Unist’ot’en to occupy, manage, or maintain their lands.”

The second letter was made public with a UBCIC media release. “The Indigenous Unist’ot’en Clan of the Wet’suwet’en Nation in northwestern BC are on high alert about a likely impending large scale RCMP mass arrest operation on their territory,” it reads.

Update: According to the Smithers Interior News, TransCanada recently reported Unist’ot’en camp members to the RCMP. That followed activists blocking four TransCanada vehicles from entering Wet’suwet’en territory for the purposes of conducting “environmental fieldwork” related to the construction of a proposed natural-gas pipeline.

The RCMP responded to a request for comment regarding the BCCLA’s letter with a statement that alludes to ongoing interactions between members of the extractive industry and Unist’ot’en camp residents.

“We are aware of the letters and understand that there has been some discussions on social media that don’t accurately reflect the RCMP’s action or the situation,” reads an email supplied by RCMP media relations officer Cpl. Janelle Shoihet. “To date there has been no police action. It is our understanding that discussions between industry and the Wet’suwet’en are still possible.”

The RCMP’s claim that there has been no police action contradicts Wet’suwet’en people’s reports of recent increased police activity in the area around the Unist’ot’en camp.

The RCMP’s statement goes on to emphasize the force remains “impartial” in the Wet’suwet’en’s dispute with corporations.

“Our efforts all along have been in keeping the peace, negotiations, and bringing the affected parties to the table for a fruitful discussion in the hopes of coming to a resolution,” it reads. “We will continue to work with all stakeholders and provide assistance as necessary in maintaining peace and keeping everyone safe.”

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This article was originally published at Straight.com on August 27, 2015.

Mental-health advocates say past death reviews like Abbotsford inquest haven’t prevented tragedies

In June 2015, B.C. Health Minister Terry Lake (middle) joined Vancouver health researchers for a walk through the Downtown Eastside, a neighbourhood that accounts for a disproportionate number of emergency mental-health visits seen by nearby St. Paul's Hospital. Travis Lupick photo.
In June 2015, B.C. Health Minister Terry Lake (middle) joined Vancouver health researchers for a walk through the Downtown Eastside, a neighbourhood that accounts for a disproportionate number of emergency mental-health visits seen by nearby St. Paul’s Hospital. Travis Lupick photo.

The B.C. Schizophrenia Society (BCSS) has said it has low expectations for a coroner’s inquest that will examine three deaths linked to mental-health issues that occurred over a four-month period beginning in December 2014.

According to the B.C. Coroners Service, all three individuals died shortly after leaving Abbotsford Regional Hospital, which is run by the Fraser Health Authority. The inquest is scheduled for May 16, 2016.

BCSS program and development coordinator Ana Novakoviccalled attention to a number of previous government reviews of similar deaths. She emphasized those were followed by recommendations that failed to prevent the three being examined next year.

“Since 2008, there have been three other coroner’s inquests into deaths involving improper monitoring and discharge of mentally ill patients in hospitals under Fraser Health Authority’s jurisdiction,” Novakovic told the Straight. “A number of improvements were recommended as a result of these inquests, but it seems that they are either inadequate or have not been implemented.”

According to a BCSS analysis, those earlier cases concerned Ross Allan, who died in April 2008, Jasdeep Sandhu, who died in October 2008, and Patricia Reed, who died in February 2011. According to their respective inquest verdicts, all three were admitted to Fraser Health hospitals for mental-health reasons and died while in the care of those facilities or shortly after discharge.

BCSS executive director Deborah Conner said she’s worried the review scheduled for May 2016 will find the three people who are the subjects of that inquest—Brian Geisheimer, Sebastien Abdi, and Sarah Charles—died under similar circumstances.

“My question would be: was there a treatment plan when these people were released?” Conner said.

In a phone interview, Stan Kuperis, director of mental health and substance use for Fraser Health, listed a number of mental-health-care reforms implemented in recent years. These include improved patient-transfer protocols, for example, and revised policies for discharging patients. In addition, Kuperis emphasized that Fraser Health pays close attention to coroners’ investigations.

“We have responded to all those recommendations within previous coroner’s inquests and have put changes into place in response,” he said.

According to Conner, the most troubling aspect of this series of events is that when it comes to mental health, Fraser Health is actually among the best B.C. service providers.

“There are similar problems everywhere,” she said. “It could very easily be happening in all the other regions.”

According to Fraser Health, during the 2013–14 fiscal year, its 12 hospitals throughout the Lower Mainland saw 30,305 emergency mental-health visits.

On August 19, the Straight reported that the number of emergency mental-health visits Vancouver General Hospital and St. Paul’s Hospital see together in one year is projected to surpass 10,000 before the end of 2015. That’s up from 6,520 in 2009.

Those hospitals—operated by Vancouver Coastal Health and Providence Health Care, respectively—have also dealt with high-profile incidents that followed patients leaving a facility after they were admitted for a mental-health issue.

In December 2012, for example, Nicholas Osuteye attacked three women two days after he was discharged from St. Paul’s Hospital. In February 2012, Mohamed Amer stabbed an elderly man the same day he was released from St. Paul’s. And in January 2012, Jerome Bonneric was charged with assault shortly after St. Paul’s let him go. (An external reviewof the Amer case resulted in 22 recommendations for service improvements.)

In a telephone interview, Dr. Bill MacEwan, head of psychiatry at St. Paul’s Hospital, explained how staff work to try to ensure nobody admitted for mental-health reasons leaves on their own or without a support system in place.

“The three key things for any individual that we always try for is a place to live, follow-up care, and support, where support can be a variety of things, from family to a mental-health team,” he said. “To get those three variables covered, that’s the general approach that we take.”

MacEwan stressed that’s not always easy, especially when an individual has no fixed address.

“It’s harder to track somebody and find somebody and follow up with care if you don’t know where they live,” he said. “For those individuals, to have them go into care, that becomes more difficult. Sometimes it’s a shelter.”

Conner said the problem is not insurmountable and primarily persists on account of a lack of political will.

“It’s not like we don’t know what has to happen,” she said. “Programs have been around for a long time. They have proven to be effective, and they have academic rigour. They just needed funding and consistency.”

In 2010 (the last year for which statistics are available), hospitals only fully implemented 26.3 percent of coroners’ recommendations, according to a department annual report.

The B.C. Ministry of Health did not make a representative available for an interview.

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The article was originally published in print and online at Straight.com on August 26, 2015.